To what extent was independence a gift from Britain Essay Example for Free

To what extent was independence a gift from Britain Essay On 14 of August 1947, Prime Minister Nehru spoke of the handover of power being a moment in history, when we step out from the old to the new. This message, coming from one crucial in the independence movement, unsurprisingly carries connotations of Independence coming through the actions of Indians, with a sense of growth alien to British interests and control. In contrast to the violent upsurge against the French in Indo-China, the reasons behind the annexation of India from the British Empire are both subtle and complex. While in a violent uprising it is relatively simple to discern that power has been taken, rather than given, the non-cooperation tactics employed in India clarifies little. The steady rise in pressure from Indian nationalists in conjunction with the apparently hurried withdrawal in 1947 have lead to a belief that Britain was effectively forced out of India. Whilst a possibility, this must however be regarded in relation to Britains changing objectives in an alien world to that of the early ideology of the Raj. In terms of historiography, two divergent views can clearly be discerned. That of the neo-imperialist presents independence as a nurtured gift of British benevolence. Exponents of this theory such as Sir Percival Griffiths point out that, other ruling powers have abdicated after defeat in war or as a result of successful insurrection, but it was left for Britain to surrender her authority as part of a process of devolution which had been operating for some time. While as a superficial judgement this statement proves true, for Britain did never lose complete control, it does perhaps insinuate a control in withdrawal that is inconsistent with the hurried exit of 1947. The concept of a state abdicating control of an advantageous situation by its own volition makes little sense, nor is there any precedent for this policy before the First World War. Statements of Lord Hardinge in 1912 boldly spoke of the permanence of British rule in India1 and so the neo-Imperial stipulation of plans for devolution, which had been in operation for some time cannot wholly be upheld, indeed it was not until 1942 that any affirmative time scale was introduced, or so claims the Nationalist interpretation. Here the Cripps offer of 1942 is seen as a post dated cheque by the Indian scholar Sumit Sarkar2, and independence is presented as seized from Imperial Britain by virtue of irresistible pressure by congress and its allies. This too however must also be seen to be draw from only a partial reading of events. As Griffiths points out, British control, though strained and tested, was not broken. Power was not seized, but granted by an act of the imperial parliament at Westminster. As such these polarized interpretations can be seen to reflect only half-truths, simplistic interpretations of a long and complex road to Indian freedom. In broad terms certain factors must be established and accepted, such as the vital and necessary role of a nationalist movement calling for independence. The claim that states do not willingly give up occupation must be considered in relation to possible economic motives, with the role of resistance within states leading to economic loss also taken into account. Due to statements such as that of Lord Hardinges in 1912, it must be conceded that Britain initially desired to continue the Raj before the First World War, however this cannot not be accepted de facto there onwards. One possible explanation for Britains withdrawal in 1947, which suggests independence was given willingly, is the diminishing importance of India and South East Asia. Both politically and economically Britain was, by 1947, deeply evolved in the Middle East. The oil-rich nature of many of these nations contrasted sharply with lack of Indian productivity for, as Lord Wavell specified, India will never, within any time we can foresee, be an efficient country3. This sentiment from the Viceroy in 1944 could be dismissed as simply seeking to save face except that it is from a private document to Prime Minister Churchill, and so can be seen as a reliable insight into the direction of British thought. The later mention of India possibly becoming a running sore which will sap the strength of the British Empire4 further suggests the lack of any economic basis for Britain holding onto India. One of the primary reasons for this was that the prosperity and efficiency of the Raj rested with an Indian populace that, even by 1941, was only 7% literate. Not only is this figure inconsistent with the British desire for efficiency, when coupled with a lack of self sufficiency (on average between 1930-40 once every four years around three million tons of grain had to be imported to avert famine, 4.27 million in 19365) this clearly illustrates part of Indias economic weakness. Nevertheless, the fact that literacy was rising and these problems were not new, clearly indicates that economic inefficiency did not give immediate rise to any British need to quit India. Instead, the role of trade, particularly in the rapidly changing post war situation, is far more significant. Crucially it is here that major profit is made, and Britains dominance was in decline. In contrast to Britains pre-war6 profits from cotton trade imports to India of à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½37.9 million7, the rise in imports from Japan and America (by some 400% overall8) can be linked with the decline in cotton trade profits to à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½27.2 million in 1919, a shift that Lawrence James terms as a fracture9 to the Anglo-Indian economic inter-dependency. This is perhaps the most accurate reflection but of greater interest is the à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½100 million of British War debt that the Indian Government assimilated in return for being able to tax Lancashire cottons. This ability to obtain concessions from the British Government due to its financial constraints illustrates both Britains decline as a world power and thus Indias rising parity. Furthermore, the fact that after World War Two India passed from being Britains debtor to its creditor acutely reflects the gradual decline in the strength of Britains economic grasp over India. Coupled with the realisation that it was no longer necessary to have political control as a prerequisite of stable trade, the economics of Britains situation appears to make withdrawal beneficial. The prospect of a repetition of the costly insurrection of 1942 and of Muslim separatism exploding into civil war threatened not only further financial loss, but also to expose the weakened state of the ICS10 and other agencies of coercion. As Ian Copland suggests, with its shrinking resources Britain may well have wished to extricate itself from its responsibilities in India11. Britains steel frame of institutions such as the ICS, the Indian Army and the Police force had become seriously degraded, effectively loosening control over and within India. The move therefore to not fund a mass of inefficient bureaucracy whilst still profiting from trade, would be a shrewd one. Declining profitability is perhaps the strongest evidence for independence being a gift from Britain, with India being a net liability that had to be cast off according to R.F.Holland12. Although the situation was not as extreme as that of the Congo, where Belgium simply withdrew after the 1958 Copper Crash, a downward economic spiral can be clearly discerned. Hollands thesis cannot be automatically assumed for, as Anita Singh asserts, India was the key to achieving equality with the superpowers and reviving her war torn economy13. Economically, Hollands synopsis bears a closer relation than that of Singh to the dwindling profitability of India, especially in the post war climate, however it would be naà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ve to see this as the only significant factor. While Indias economic role disputed, its importance surpassed its financial value for, as Howard Brasted assesses, to have left would have accelerated the loss of Britains global influence14. Hollands point is not entirely moot and economic loss can perhaps be best seen as a contributory factor to independence, along with other reasons ranging from the United States led ideological shift away from imperialism to Labours priority of primarily focusing on Britains recovery. Whilst its value may have been that it softened a British resolve that was never predominantly altruistic, its significance is eclipsed by the strength of nationalism in India. The oil rich Middle East was Britains primary concern in terms of economic recovery and the inefficiency of India only exacerbated this. Wavells condemnation of a possible future running sore refers not only to this inefficiency, but also the increasingly detrimental effect of both peaceful and militant nationalists. In contrast with the 300 million Indians, there were only around 400,000 British in control. As Lawrence James suggests the Raj was never a totalitarian state which could do what it liked when it chose15. Throughout its history the Raj operated under powerful constraints such as the costs of its armed forces and administration16, thus the importance of Indians in running the country as a whole correlates to their importance in economic factors. In this light, it cannot be said that nationalist pressures (as opposed to direct action by Congress which had a significant impetus with regard to taxation) had a large impact on the economics of Britain and India but economics c an be seen to have greatly aided nationalism. Stemming from the days of the East India Company rule, the free-trade policy favoured Britain and stifled the growth of Indian post war industry. Congress opposition to free trade was, as Brasted states protectionism in all but name17, and therefore appealed to Indian industry. This perhaps best highlights the value of the economy to the Indian nationalist movement and eventual independence. Excluding terrorist insurgence such as that of 1942, nationalist action rarely directly affected the British economically, but rather helped to arouse the Indian population. Lord Lytton referred to the Indian peasantry as an inert mass and if it ever moves at all, it will not move in obedience to its British benefactors18. Thus economic reform was used a platform with which to arouse the masses and make evident that it was Congress, and not the Raj, which spoke for the people. Ghandi in particular must be assessed in this light as many of his policies attempted to mobilise Indians and sting the British, in some cases over economic issues. Both his Satyagraha of non-cooperation and salt tax march were attempts to defy British rule by disregarding financial laws to aid the nationalist cause. While non-cooperation illustrates the attempt to economically cripple the country, Ghandis salt tax march does perhaps reveal a more potent defiance. In reality, the salt tax march was rather bagatelle in terms of economic effect, only reducing East Indian Company profits by 2%. Instead, its significance lay in that the tax symbolised the power and intrusiveness of the Raj19. President Roosevelts talk of a prejudicial reaction on American public opinion not only if India is not allowed to secede after the war, but also if Britain is unwilling to concede the right of self-government20must be seen as significant when considering Britains economic and military dependence. This also reflects the discrepancy between Britains position and the ideological shift away from imperialism. The war against expansionist powers such as Germany and the post World War One promotion of self-determination in Europe had a dramatic effect upon the political psyche; particularly under a Labour government, the foundations upon which the Raj were built were becoming unfashionable. The symbolic attacks were also designed to arouse Indians, bringing awareness to issues that Ghandi saw as repressive, and that the populace had accepted de facto. Initiatives, even down to Ghandi only wearing a homespun dhoti (loin cloth), sought to arouse the Indian peasantry by appealing to their needs thus generating growing political awareness. The nature of Indias eventual independence as an official handover makes evident the dominance and eventual success of this peaceable strain of nationalism. Rather than seeing this as an emancipation of the Indian populace from a repressive Raj, it was instead an ignition of political thought on a grand scale. Consequently, by visually illustrating that he and Congress spoke for the common man the Raj could be undermined, thus negating the only justification for imperialist rule. Actions such as Nehrus arrest after the salt tax march demonstrated repression but it was the widespread support that was crucial. The fact that it was an over emphatic response that caused an end to the initial 1922 Satyagraha, showed the ripe state of nationalist support far removed from the inert mass that Lyttons prophecy was based on. Ghandis association and appeal to the common Indian through these policies led to Congress membership increasing from 100,000 in 1920 to over two million by the end of 1921. This rise in support was crucial in exerting political pressure on the British and led to the overwhelming majority of Congress in the 1936 elections. This delivered the tangible evidence for Congress to claim to speak for the Indian people instead of the Raj. A single party taking over 70% of the vote is overwhelming by modern standard however, its significance surpasses this obvious assessment. Whilst marking the strength of Congress, it also testified to the unity of much of India, an area that could not even be conceived of as being one nation before British rule. This fact stands as a tribute to British rule however it was also part of its undoing. The unity that the Raj encouraged in terms of centralising and homogenising the police and other services gave rise to a sense of cohesion within India that had not existed before; it is only under these circumstances that nationalism could exist and so enable Congress to gain a 76% majority. The general rise of mass protest would put vast moral and eventually economic pressure on Britain however threat of such large crowds turning to violence also appealed to some nationalists. While the 1857 Mutiny was a violent expression of anger, it is not until insurgence in 1905 that such actions were distinctly nationalistic. Similarly, events such as the 1913 assassination of Lord Hardinge, while reflecting Indian discontent, did not offer a serious threat to British rule. In contrast, the violence and delay to supplies in the 1942 Quit India movement did seriously affect the Raj, so much so that the Royal Air force fired upon rioters. Similarly, the formation of the Indian National Army under Subhas Chandra Bose21 to fight with Japan reflected not only the depth of nationalist convictions, but also the sense of nationhood within India. This growth of violence made military suppression the only antidote. Indian nationalists and the British alike had however realised that, the day has passed when you can keep India by the sword.22 The Amritsar Massacre of 1919 had demonstrated to the nationalists the resolve of some British to maintain control in India. Such actions united Indian opposition and considerably weakened the justification for British rule in India. Not only had the increasing association of Indians within the ICS weakened British control, oppressive policies were not in the nature of the Raj for the British people would not consent to be associated with repression23, as Lord Wavell specified. Instead of this physical control, political measures such as the Government of India Acts of 1919 and 1935 were employed in satiate nationalist agitation. Claims of historians such as Griffith that devolution had been planned for some time can be seen in the 1917 British Secretary of States announcement of developing self-governing institutions of a responsible government however crucially such moves also talks about India as an integral part of the British empire24. The Montagu-Chelmsford report reflection that nationalism will grow and that in deliberately disturbing it we are working for her highest good, is a frank admission that, as Anita Singh observed, British policy aimed to put off independence to the kalends25. The failure to dissolve nationalism despite concessions aimed at satisfying the legitimate aims of all but the most advanced Indians26 meant that reforms aimed at forestalling Congress pressure, instead intensified it. According to Ian Copeland this increasing demand led to constitutional reforms being used as a bargaining chip27 and this view appears to be an accurate reflection upon the development of British policy. Reforms such as the Government of India Act of 1935 and in particular the Cripps offer of 1942, were direct responses to nationalist pressures which as Wavell and the British realised by the end of the war had laid down a course from which we cannot now withdraw28. Such reforms cannot therefore be seen as British i nitiatives but rather as tactics to delay what, by the time off the mass civil disobedience of the 1942 Quit India movement, had become inevitable. Despite Churchills promise during the war that he did not intend to allow the liquidation of the British Empire, historians such as Howard Brasted have instead argued that the war did in fact slow the transfer of power, and not cause it29. This point is however hard to substantiate. It must be remembered that it was as late as1935 that the Government of India Act ensured the power of the Raj through the Viceroys power of veto over Indian legislation. There was perhaps a growing realisation before the war that India would have independence however all reforms up to this point suggested a slow transferral and there is little evidence to support a change in foreign policy. Some reasons for the withdrawal in 1947 were also as ignoble as the previous methods of rule. Whilst the Raj had often employed divide and rule30 tactics, the dominance of Congress over the Princes, the threat of Muslim-Hindu violence and even the financial reasoning for pulling out can be seen as less than altruistic. To condemn Britain with regard to economics is unfair as it war forced into the situation by the war but moreover to condemn Britain leaving because of its declining control is unwarranted. Far from being reproachable, to say that the Raj was forced to end by the growth of nationalism is not to automatically decry British policy. Congress dominance in the 1936 elections followed by their success in government, justified independence by demonstrating the capability of Indians to administer themselves. In Macaulayesque31 terms Britains task was complete, for Congress growth and success exploded any myths of British racial superiority. To say that this manner of leaving gives credit to the British is not to denigrate the achievement of Indians who did have to overcome the stalwart resistance of the Raj . The timing of independence, while aided by factors such as the war, was an Indian success and not a British gift. However, to end here is to wrongfully deny any British benevolent contribution. In leaving, Britain left a considerable legacy of democracy and education that is as significant today as it was in 1947. Nationalist leaders such as Ghandi, Nehru and even Bose were all Oxbridge educated and perhaps even nationalism indirectly must reflect positively upon the British, for it is only due to the Raj that as vast an area as India developed a sense of cohesion. There are as many, if not more negative aspects of British imperialism (especially to modern day sensitivities) however Britains decision to withdraw denotes much of its rule. In contrast to situations such as Frances catastrophic attempt to control Indochina, Britains lasting legacy and indeed gift was that it left peacefully. The timing was not Britains however certain aspects and its very nature are to be appreciated for, as Trevor Royle32 suggests, it is one of the Rajs enduring strengths that when the time came to go they departed with exemplary grace and dignity. Bibliography J.Brown Modern India, OUP Sir P.Moon, Wavell: the Viceroys Journal- OUP Lawrence James, Raj- Abacus R.F.Holland, European Decolonisation Macmillan Anita Singh, The Origins of the Partition, OUP Lady Balfour, Personal letters of Robert First Earl of Lytton, Longmans Ian Copeland- India- Longmans S.Wolpert, Morley and India California University Press T. Royle , The Last Days of the Raj Cambridge University press Sarkar, Modern India Macmillan The Economist, 5 April 1919 Modern History Review, Volume + No. 2, November 1990 Words- 2,987 Orig- no edit 3,385 1 J.Brown Modern India, OUP 1985, p. 197 2 Sarkar, Modern India, Ch.6 3 Lord Wavell to Churchill, Oct 1944 Sir P.Moon, Wavell: the Viceroys Journal, p. 94 4 Ibid. 5 Lawrence James, Raj Part Five, chapter 3 6 World War I 7 1913-14 8 The Economist, 5 April 1919 9 Lawrence James, Raj Part Five, chapter 5 10 Indian Civil Service, originally British dominated but increasingly Indianised 11 Ian Copeland , Raj p.85 12 R.F.Holland, European Decolonisation 13 Anita Singh, The Origins of the Partition, OUP, Ch. 7 14 Modern History Review, Volume + No. 2, November 1990 15 Lawrence James, Raj Epilogue 16 Ibid 17 Modern History Review, Volume + No. 2, November 1990 18 Lady Balfour, Personal letters of Robert First Earl of Lytton, Longmans, pp.20-1 19 Lawrence James, Raj Part four, chapter 2 20 Roosevelt to Churchill, 1942- in India by Ian Copeland, p.111 21 Leader of Congress in 1938 and Cambridge educated 22 Lord Chelmsford, 1919 James, Raj, p. 23 Lord Wavell to Churchill, Oct 1944 Sir P.Moon, Wavell: the Viceroys Journal, p. 94 24 Government Announcement of Aug. 1917, Ian Copeland- India, p.96 25 Anita Singh, Modern History Review, Volume + No. 2, November 1990 26 S.Wolpert, Morley and India, p.139 27 Ian Copeland, India, p.29 28 Lord Wavell to Churchill, Oct 1944 Sir P.Moon, Wavell: the Viceroys Journal, p. 94 29 Modern History Review, Volume + No. 2, November 1990 30 Using Princes and Muslim pressure groups to counter Congress 31 Lord T. Macaulay, MP in 1830s and altruistic promoter of education within India whos thoughts generated much of Kiplings work and set up a number of schools. 32 T. Royle , The Last Days of the Raj, p.281

Interpretive Richness of Leslie Marmon Silkos Ceremony Essay -- Silko

The interpretative richness of Silko’s Ceremony Leslie Marmon Silko’s Ceremony is the extraordinary tale of Tayo, a mixed-blood Native American in his long quest to cure the suffering that afflicts him and his people. The novel is complex enough that it can be interpreted in the context of starkly different paradigms, each highlighting important facets of the story. For instance, in the article â€Å"Feminine perspectives at Laguna Pueblo: Silko’s Ceremony,† Edith Swan offers a (symbolic) analysis of the plethora of important female characters in the novel that is based on a deliberately unicultural, Laguna worldview on the grounds that â€Å"[...] western presumptions must be set aside so that they do not adversely bias or manipulate tribal structures of meaning. Native premises must be allowed to stand on their own terms† (309). On the other hand, Dennis Cutchins, in his article â€Å"‘So that the nations may become genuine Indian’: Nativism and Leslie Marmon Silko’s Ceremony† advocates a politico-historical interpretation of the novel as a reaction against the overwhelming influence of Western civilization on Native American culture. This reaction, Cutchins argues, takes the form of a â€Å"revision† of history for the purpose of removing the Western influence and adapting ancient traditions to better serve the needs of the present, thus resolving the conflict between the two cultures. Cutchins’ interpretation therefore, is multicultural, focussing on the historical relationship between Western and Native American cultures and providing a paradigm (namely, nativism) that helps put it all in perspective. By utilizing divergent paradigms in interpreting Ceremony, Swan and Cutchins both succeed in highlighting the many fascinating... ...nse in the context of the outside world and the history of the Native American people. The differing theses however, do not contradict each other. Rather, they complement each other by providing a more complete picture through the simultaneous consideration of socio-cultural as well as politico-historical perspectives of the novel. 7 Works Cited Cutchins, Dennis. â€Å"‘So that the nations may become genuine Indian’: Nativism and Leslie Marmon Silko’s Ceremony.† Journal of American Culture 22.4 (1 Dec. 1999): not paginated. Silko, Leslie Marmon. Ceremony. New York: Penguin, 1977. Swan, Edith. â€Å"Feminine Perspectives at Laguna Pueblo: Silko’s Ceremony.† Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature 11.2 (Autumn, 1992): 309-328. Work cited from within Swan, Edith: Allen, Paula Gunn. â€Å"The Psychological Landscape of Ceremony.† American Indian Quarterly. 5.1 (1979): 12. 8

Reproductive Health Bill Essay

The Reproductive Health Bill is a law in the Philippines that guarantee universal access to methods on contraception, fertility control, sexual education, birth control and maternal care. This bill or law is to provide the poor with reproductive health services, including access to contraceptives, and sex education to school children. That is why the priests and the church officials are not in favour of this bill because for them it is against the law of GOD, and some people disagree to use it because there is a rumours that after you use contraceptives you’ll get sick. In my point of view, I thought this argument is unnecessary for me to know because I’m just a student and I thought at first this bill is useless to the people after I read it, it is useful to the Philippines. This bill must be known to all the Filipinos out there. To me, I guess I am a Pro-RH bill because I am aware to what is happening to country right now, it can help our country seize the blooming population of our country and I believe that lazy and irrelevant parenthood is one of the main problem why there is POVERTY. We can build a nation that can provide need to our family. A nation that can follow fast to the new century and can never be left behind. Because of POVERTY, our country is being pulled down. And this bill can help for the couples married or unmarried because it contributes more to the knowledge to couples to have a good family planning. We all know that couples demand to have sexual intercourse and so by these, they can ensure a happy family and will not boost in numbers. And another thing is the Sex Education, to me I approve this so the students can help especially, their young minds to decrease the pregnancies of teens. I know I’m against the church and the law of God but I can see the future, if the population keep increasing fast trash will increase also, it is like in the movie â€Å"Wall-E†, so for me I agree to this bill. Another thing, if the church always agree to the laws of the government there would be many laws that can  help this country. I’m not saying that I’m against the church and God, I’m also a Catholic but we must see that our country is IMPROVING.

The Bildungsroman Genre Essay - 4241 Words

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Finally, to conclude, the differences and similarities between them will be dealt with so that it will be clear in what ways the bildungsroman differ in the two novels. 1- THE BILDUNGSROMAN NOVEL This German term began to be used in the second half of the 18th century by the critic and philosopher Wilhelm Dilthey. 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Essay on The Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy - 1287 Words

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Historian Barbara Tuchman differed with Regan confrontation doctrine and desired the United States to follow the stuff goose strategy. This decision was to offer the Soviet Union wi th consumer goods and all the grain they needed. Nonetheless, in spite of Regans lack of foreign policy qualifications his detection to stop the â€Å"Evil Empire† would not deter him. Nevertheless, several people thought he was a precarious warmonger (Souza, 1997). Explicate the Regan Doctrine and Specific Actions and Events With the war in Afghanistan into a year, most of the international community believed that the Soviet Union was invincible and to stop them would lead into a nuclear war. In an article written in the Third World Quarterly, by Andrew Hartman titled, The Red Template: US Policy in Soviet-Occupied Afghanistan. â€Å"The broad framework of US foreign policy in the era of the Cold War, as well as other eras, the U.S. must adhere to the bottom line. This means, protecting a constructive investment environment for private business benefits† (Hartman, 2002). In 1981, former Pakistani Dictator and General Mohammed Zia al-Haq, understood US Policy bottom line. In a meeting with William Casey, the Director of the CentralShow MoreRelatedPol 300 Assignment 1: the Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy638 Words   |  3 PagesPOL 300 Assignment 1: The Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy Click Link Below To Buy: http://hwcampus.com/shop/pol-300-assignment-1-the-cold-war-and-u-s-diplomacy/ Assignment 1: The Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy Due Week 5 and worth 135 points Select a president from the table, â€Å"Presidents and Their ‘Doctrines,’† in Roskin, Chapter 4. Then write a 3-5 page paper on the doctrine that president used according to Roskin. 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Kennedy s Record On Foreign Policy1304 Words   |  6 Pagesambassador to the United Kingdom during the start of World War II; Chairman of both the Security and Exchange Commission and the Federal Maritime Commission. His mother’s, Rose, father, John F. Fitzgerald served as Mayor of Boston and as a U.S. Congressman and his grandfather, a member of the Massachusetts State House and Senate. From this tradition of service, John F. Kennedy, although constantly sick, enlisted in the US Navy during World War II. While serving as a PT boat skipper, Kennedy’s boatRead MoreThe Politics Of Power By Ira Katznelson1315 Words   |  6 Pagestransition into the globalization era, and environmental problems. From the beginning of the exploration era, to the globalization ear, foreign policy never escaped existence. The use of foreign policy continued into the beginning of World War II, after the war, and through present day. 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Kennedy s Strategy On Foreign Policy1275 Words   |  6 Pagesambassador to the United Kingdom during the start of World War II; Chairman of both the Security and Exchange Commission and the Federal Maritime Commission. His mother’s, Rose, father, John F. Fitzgerald served as Mayor of Boston and as a U.S. Congressman and his grandfather, a member of the Massachusetts State House and Senate. From this tradition of service, John F. Kennedy, although constantly sick, enlisted in the US Navy during World War II. While serving as a PT boat skipper, Kennedy’s boat

The Nicomachean Ethics By Aristotle - 874 Words

The Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle â€Å"EVERY art and every inquiry, and similarly every action and pursuit, is thought to aim at some good; and for this reason the good has rightly been declared to be that at which all things aim† (Ross, n.d.). Aristotle believed that both external (wealth, material possessions) and internal (temperance, courage, etc.) contributed to a person’s happiness and that a person’s final goal was to find the â€Å"good† or their function in life. He also believed that the pursuit of the final goal led to certain actions and pursuits and that the cumulative sum of these actions over a lifespan would determine a person’s morality. In other words, a person may spend his or her whole life committing moral acts, such as giving to charity and saving lives but may act out of character and commit one immoral act such as theft. Since his or her life was spent mostly committing moral acts, that one immoral action does not make him or her immoral and therefor he or she should not be judged by that one aberration. The Nicomachean Ethics viewpoint brings to mind my life as a child. Growing up in a poor neighborhood, people believed that they key to happiness was wealth and/or material possessions. Some of us strove to obtain our goals through hard work and dedication while others became frustrated or disheartened and believed that the only way to obtain their goals was through illegal means such as selling illegal substances. Their â€Å"goal† was good and aimedShow MoreRelatedAristotle Of Aristotle : Nicomachean Ethics1487 Words   |  6 PagesAristotle: Nicomachean Ethics Happiness: it’s something we humans search far and wide for, to attain before we are called home at death. We go through our daily lives, making choices, commitments, changes, decisions. 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A virtue that remains relevant today as it didRead MoreEssay Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle1464 Words   |  6 Pages An Exposition of Aristotelian Virtues In his Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle explores virtues as necessary conditions for being happy. A virtuous person is a person with a disposition toward virtuous actions and who derives pleasure from behaving virtuously. Aristotle distinguishes between two types of human virtue: virtues of thought and virtues of character. Virtues of thought are acquired through learning and include virtues like wisdom and prudence; virtues of character include bravery andRead MoreAristotle s Symposium : The Nicomachean Ethics1934 Words   |  8 Pages720532457 The Symposium verses The Nicomachean Ethics Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (Ethics) is regarded as one of the, if not the greatest work concerning ethics in history. The word ethics derives from the Greek word ethos, which translates more properly as â€Å"character†, and it would seem that Aristotle’s concern in The Ethics, is what constitutes good character, and that goodness is of practical use; that merely knowing how to be a way is only half of what’s necessary, and that the known mustRead MoreAnalysis Of The Book Nicomachean Ethics By Aristotle1667 Words   |  7 PagesIn the book Nicomachean Ethics, by Aristotle, Aristotle describes various way of living one’s life, the ultimate goal in life, and how to achieve happiness and live the best life. Aristotle describes three different kinds of lives in Nicomachean Ethics. These three lives consists of the life of honor, the life of pleasure, and the life of study. Aristotle, from the first book, insists that the life of study or contempla tion is considered to be the best life. He argues that self-sufficiency is requiredRead MoreComparing Aristotle s Nicomachean Ethics 2500 Words   |  10 Pages According to Aristotle, friendship shares the same qualities of a proper self-love. In Aristotle’s†Nicomachean Ethics† (book 9), he asks us, if there is such a thing as friendship with oneself. He states that people who are good friends to others tend to be comfortable with themselves, therefore, they do not mind being alone because they have a clear conscience. However, Aristotle also says, that people who are not comfortable with themselves, tendRead MoreAristotle s Nicomachean Ethics : Friendship1744 Words   |  7 Pagesit is useful to them in their time of need or a friendship that gives the person both pleasure and usefulness. A person may have these types of friendships with different people. Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, brings up what the best kind of friendship is. A long-lasting friendship is the best kind (Aristotle 221). This is an important concept when it comes living a good and ethical life. It is not only important to kno w why some friendships do not last long, but it may also help a person figureRead MoreAnalysis Of Aristotle s The Nicomachean Ethics 871 Words   |  4 PagesIn order to be a person of practical wisdom one should possess good moral reasoning and good inclinations. Aristotle first introduces these concepts in his book The Nicomachean Ethics, but he does not mention a really important virtue, the virtue of forgiveness. If mastered correctly, forgiveness can lead a person to acquire additional, and equally important good habits. That is why, in order to recognize the importance of this virtue, it is necessary to make a deep expository analysis. By definitionRead MoreThe Moral Life Of Aristotle s Nicomachean Ethics1345 Words   |  6 PagesIn the second book of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle talks about the virtues that are needed to live a moral life. 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Congo Free Essays

A component in the development in Operation â€Å"Save the Congo’ that we will focus lies in the Health infrastructure. The Democratic Republic of Congo was one of the first African countries to recognize HIV, registering cases as early as 1983. The most common method of transferring the virus occurs through homosexual activity; linking to over 87% cases in the Congo. We will write a custom essay sample on Congo or any similar topic only for you Order Now Demographically, the ages groups most affected are women aged 20 to about 29 and men alike aged 30 to 39. Other method that contribute to the rampant spread of the virus are the large movement of refugees nd soldiers; seeing as though population movements are often associated with the exacerbation of the HIV virus as it is now localized in areas most populated by troops and in other war-displaced populations. In addition, there is the increased levels of sexual transmitted diseases among sex workers and clientele alike, due to the limited availability of condoms in the country. All in all, without the relief of Operation â€Å"Save the Congo’ the continuing problem of HIV/AIDS in the Democratic Republic of Congo becomes a leading issue in a country already suffering from other health issues. Along with the spread of the HIV virus, the impact that malaria has on the Democratic Republic of Congo is profound, and this is due to the expansion by insects and the fact that malaria is the primary cause of mortality among pregnant women and young children. On average, there are five million cases of malaria every year in the Congo and around 500,000 to one million people die of this disease every year. In addition, 97% of the countrys 70 million inhabitants live in areas where malaria is deeply concentrated, subjecting most of inhabitants with the vicious disease. Mosquitoes are the primary carriers of malaria, and due to the fact that Congo is located close to the equator, one can assume that the high number of mosquito presence is chiefly due to the humid climate of the country. Along with the expansion of the malaria disease, there are its impacts on pregnant women and children. Of the people that die from malaria, 91% of those inhabitants are ones that are pregnant women or children under the age of five. Children bear the majority of the burden of both the morbidity and mortality, as they are at greater risk of catching he disease and dying as well. Out of the 5 million reported cases of malaria, around 2. 3 million cases of children under five with malaria were reported; with around 25,000 of the 2. 3 million dying from malaria- related diseases. Another section of the health infrastructure we would like to focus on in our relief plan lies in the topic of maternal and child health care. In other words, aside from the malaria epidemic there are other health factors needed to be taken into consideration when discussing maternal and child health care. Due to the lack of resources in the Congo, women nd their children have continuous struggles in sustaining their resources, and thus, taking proper care of their children. The lack of clean water and liveable homes attribute to the dismal health of women and their families, and this only makes them more susceptible to the rampant diseases described previously. According to the United Nations Population Fund released in June 2011, maternal mortality rate for the Democratic Republic of the Congo per 100,000 is 670 deaths. Meaning, that for every 100,000 childbearing woman in the Congo, there are 670 infant deaths. Compared of ther developing countries, that ranks in the top percentile as tar as maternal mortality rates, and that fgure alone only begins to outline the profound impact the weak health infrastructure and the lasting impacts it has on women and children in the country. Despite the daily turmoil men, women and children face everyday in the Democratic Republic of Congo, there is hope. With the implementation of Operation: Save The Congo, we can finally provide the needed relief efforts that was never before applied to the country. Similar to the New Deal used in the United States uring the Great Depression, these programs are meant to relief and reform the Congo into a livable society, and get it to a point where it may function and prosper on its own. In order to achieve this landmark reform in the health sector, Operation: Save the Congo will first build new hospitals. The lack of stable, sanitary hospitals is an on-going problem that continues in the Congo, but with the relief that Operation STC provides, funding will go into building hospitals, helping solve the problems of HIV/AIDS and malaria. In addition, new hospitals will help decrease the maternal ortality rates, as we will provide new technologies needed to prevent disease and malnutrition. Moreover, we want to do a â€Å"reverse brain-drain† method in which we partner will developed countries and send highly skilled doctors, physicians, and nurses over to the Congo to work in these hospitals and provide expert health care. A big part of the new health infrastructure will be the development of a new filtration system to produce clean water not only for newly built hospitals, but for the country in total. This project will be the top priority in guiding the Congo into a new era in ealth technology, as the production of clean water will diminish mortality rates, and it will also help prevent other diseases. Lastly there is the building of living shelters across the country, providing imported foods and goods from developed countries in an effort to sustain lives. This will give the necessary shelter women, men and children need in order to live their lives fully. Bringing in imported foods and goods would also contribute to the decline of diseases, as it gives its inhabitants the proper nutrients from the foods and the quality living standards from the newly imported goods. All in all, these are the problems that persists in the health sector of the Democratic Republic of Congo. HIV/AID, malaria, lack of resources are all continuous strains on this developing country and its people are fading fast. The programs that were Just highlighted will save the congo, as it will provide newly built facilities including hospital and living shelters with trained practitioners and a new clean water filtration system. With these programs set in place, the health infrastructure in the Democratic Republic of Congo will be on course on becoming a great leader for health in the world. How to cite Congo, Papers